Sunday, September 13, 2009

The Erfurt Program and Eduard Bernstein

I find this particular time in German social democratic history when the Erfurt Program and the "revisionist" views of Bernstein intersect very interesting. As Carl Schorske points out, "Social Democracy was expanding not in an atmosphere of increasing misery and unemployment, but in 1 of unpredented prosperity." The Erfurt program in 1891 did pull together revolutionaries and reformers, but it was ultimately committed to revolution. Then along comes Bernstein, with his "revision of Marxist theory," which in essence argued the revolution that the revolutionaries unceasingly called for was unneccessary. This optimistic outlook envisioned a situation where the capitalist system and the ideals of socialism could come together in a nonviolent way, sort of like the Lassallean view (legal rather than radical change) that could positively be accomplished. Bernstein thus caused two consequences; 1) he helped cause a schism to surface within the ranks of the party. Reformers, for the first time, had ammo and a reasoned argument as to why legal means, rather than violent revolution, were a better manner in which to proceed as a party in the Reichstag. 2) Bernstein and his ideas really put the Erfurt Program to the test; as a party, what do we stand for? Can socialism and capitalism really coexist? "Thus Bernstein's revisionism provided an alternative base for the reformism enshrined in the Erfurt Program." No doubt it certainly would have been an very interesting indeed to be a socialist in germany near the turn of the 20th century.

2 comments:

  1. To me Burnstein's ideas just made so much sense. What was the point of clinging desperately on to Revolutionary rhetoric and platforms when there was clearly no large group (that we've discussed anyway) interested in fomenting one. Everyone's doing alright economically, and the evil capitalism hasn't destroyed everyone's lives as it was assumed. There is no united and supressed proletariat. Burnstein's revision just makes sense. I still don't understand why it was rejected.

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  2. Bernstein poses an interesting dilemma for the SPD. However, I do think that we should bear in mind that persecution and obstinance had gain the SPD a large voter following in Germany and perhaps they feared that by abandoning their radical stance, they could also endanger their popular electoral gains? There were also seriously committed revolutionaries like Liebknecht and Luxemburg who believed that a revolution was historically inevitable and it was the job of the party to prepare the consciousness of the workers. Those so ideologically committed might find it hard to abandon their beliefs?

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